D\u00fcnden bug\u00fcne K\u00fcrt-T\u00fcrk ili\u015fkilerine bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda \u2018Karde\u015flik\u2019 duygusu, \u2018kom\u015fuluk\u2019 ili\u015fkisi, siyasi \u2018\u0130ttifak\u2019 ya da \u2018din karde\u015fli\u011fi\u2019 mefhumlar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr. Peki iki halk\u0131 yan yana getiren, sava\u015ft\u0131ran, bar\u0131\u015ft\u0131ran, birlikte ya\u015famaya olanak yaratan sosyal, siyasal ko\u015fullar nelerdir? Bu iki halka, manevi ve siyasi anlamda \u2018karde\u015f halklar\u2019 diyebilir miyiz? Ac\u0131da ve sevin\u00e7te, \u00f6l\u00fcm ve do\u011fumda yan yana durabildiler mi? Karde\u015fle\u015fme ba\u011f\u0131 yaratacak dostane ili\u015fkilere sahipler mi? Ya da iyi kom\u015fu olabildiler mi? K\u00fcrt-T\u00fcrk ili\u015fkilerinde bu ve benzeri alt sorular \u00e7o\u011falt\u0131labilir. Olguya tarif bah\u015fetmek ve anlam diyalekti\u011fi kurmak zor. \u0130ki halk\u0131n girift ili\u015fkisi her hal\u00fck\u00e2rda kavram karga\u015fas\u0131na neden oluyor. Kolay de\u011fil. Bu ili\u015fkinin indeksinde y\u00fczy\u0131llar\u0131 a\u015fan, orant\u0131s\u0131z \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmal\u0131 bir s\u00fcre\u00e7 de var. \u0130smail Be\u015fik\u00e7i, K\u00fcrtlerin bu kavram d\u0131\u015f\u0131 durumunu \u2018\u2018s\u00f6m\u00fcrge bile olamayan halk\u2019\u2019 olarak a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131yor. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc K\u00fcrtlerin stat\u00fcs\u00fc, K\u00fcrt realitesinin tan\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131 1990\u2019l\u0131 y\u0131llara kadar, s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeden bile a\u015fa\u011f\u0131dayd\u0131. S\u00f6m\u00fcrge olan bir \u00fclkenin ad\u0131, o \u00fclkede ya\u015fayan milletin de bir ad\u0131 varken, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de K\u00fcrt de K\u00fcrdistan da yasakland\u0131, yok say\u0131ld\u0131, ithal bir ontoloji esbab\u0131 giydirilmek istendi.<\/p>\n
T\u00fcrkiye Cumhuriyeti\u2019nde durum b\u00f6yleyken, Osmanl\u0131 \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu\u2019nda siyasi, politik ko\u015fullar neydi peki?<\/p>\n
K\u00fcrtlerin kendi egemenlik sahalar\u0131nda, Mirlik stat\u00fcleriyle (Alevi ve Ez\u00eed\u00eeler hari\u00e7) y\u00fcz y\u0131llarca, g\u00f6rece \u00f6zg\u00fcr ya\u015fad\u0131klar\u0131 s\u00f6ylenebilir. Sava\u015fa asker yollad\u0131klar\u0131 ve Saraya vergilerini d\u00fczenli \u00f6dedikleri s\u00fcrece, stat\u00fc problemleri olmad\u0131. Fakat co\u011frafyan\u0131n jeopolitik, jeostratejik yap\u0131s\u0131 K\u00fcrtlerin stat\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fc s\u00fcrekli tehdit edegeldi. Merkezle olan ittifak i\u00e7in s\u00fcrekli lojistik sa\u011flamak gerekiyordu. Aksi halde i\u00e7 ve d\u0131\u015f etkenler bu ittifak yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n sars\u0131lmas\u0131na, hatta II. Mahmut d\u00f6neminde oldu\u011fu gibi y\u0131k\u0131lmas\u0131na neden olmu\u015ftu.<\/p>\n
Fakat ittifak\u0131n ihtiya\u00e7 duydu\u011fu yap\u0131 harc\u0131n\u0131, Akkoyunlu, Safevi ve Osmanl\u0131 saraylar\u0131nda \u00e7al\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015f, hatta bir zamanlar \u015eah \u0130smail\u2019e \u00f6vg\u00fc dolu mektuplar yazm\u0131\u015f ve ondan kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k da bulmu\u015f bir \u00e2lim, Bitlisi \u0130dris bulmu\u015ftu. \u0130dris-i Bitlisi; Safeviler\u2019in bask\u0131lar\u0131ndan y\u0131lm\u0131\u015f K\u00fcrtleri, Yavuz Selim \u00fczerinden Osmanl\u0131ya \u2018\u0130slam karde\u015fli\u011fi\u2019 akidesi ile ba\u011flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/p>\n
\u0130dris-i Bitlisi\u2019nin K\u00fcrtlerin siyasal hayat\u0131na d\u00f6kt\u00fc\u011f\u00fc \u0130slam harc\u0131, ta\u015f\u0131tt\u0131\u011f\u0131 tevhid bayra\u011f\u0131, K\u00fcrt-T\u00fcrk ili\u015fkilerinde y\u00fcz y\u0131llara varan bir birlik motivasyonu sa\u011flad\u0131. Bu ittifak II. Mahmut\u2019un merkezile\u015fme siyasetiyle akim kalsa da din karde\u015fli\u011fi duygusu k\u0131r\u0131lmad\u0131 ve bu g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc ba\u011f ge\u00e7ti\u011fimiz y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131na kadar devam etti. I.D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 y\u0131llar\u0131nda, K\u00fcrtlerin deste\u011fine ihtiya\u00e7 duyan \u0130ttihat\u00e7\u0131lar da bu din motivasyonu, bir taktik olarak K\u00fcrtlerin inan\u00e7 diskine update edeceklerdi. \u0130ttihat\u00e7\u0131lar, sava\u015f sonunda bu kullan\u0131\u015fl\u0131 arg\u00fcmandan, K\u00fcrtleri ekarte ederek kazan\u00e7 da elde etmi\u015flerdi.<\/p>\n
G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde ise K\u00fcrtler; y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131nda kaderlerini tayin hakk\u0131n\u0131, karde\u015flik ve din mefhumuna tercih edenler dahil; ideolojik-politik farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131na ra\u011fmen ulusal tasarrufta fikir birli\u011fine varm\u0131\u015f g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcyorlar. K\u00fcrt n\u00fcfusu gerek sava\u015flardan kaynakl\u0131 gerekse kadim K\u00fcrdistan\u2019\u0131n d\u00f6rde b\u00f6l\u00fcnmesinden kaynakl\u0131 olsun otokton bir sosyolojiye sahip olamad\u0131 belki ama son y\u00fcz y\u0131lda bedellerini a\u011f\u0131r \u015fekilde \u00f6dedikleri hayat bilgisiyle hem anavatanlar\u0131nda hem de diasporada y\u00fcksek politik bir diskurda, \u00f6zg\u00fcr geleceklerini kurmak i\u00e7in ‘y\u00fcksek’ siyaset \u00fcretmeye ba\u015flad\u0131lar.<\/p>\n
Bu makalede K\u00fcrt-T\u00fcrk ili\u015fkilerinin bin y\u0131ll\u0131k ge\u00e7mi\u015fine, muktedirlerin imhac\u0131 politikalar\u0131na \u00f6zetle de\u011finip,<\/a>[1]<\/a>\u00a0 y\u00fcz y\u0131l\u0131n\u0131 dolduran ve ikici y\u00fcz y\u0131la ad\u0131m atan Cumhuriyet’e k\u0131sa bir projeksiyon tutaca\u011f\u0131z. Bu makalenin, bu y\u00f6n\u00fcyle, g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde ili\u015fkileri pek de \u2018ho\u015f\u2019 olmayan bu iki \u2018karde\u015f\u2019 halk\u0131n, gelecekte; ge\u00e7mi\u015fin bilgisini de kullanarak, bar\u0131\u015f\u00e7\u0131l ve e\u015fitlik\u00e7i bir ili\u015fki geli\u015ftirmesine optik olu\u015fturaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyoruz.<\/p>\n Malazgirt, \u0130ttifak ve Kom\u015fuluk<\/strong><\/p>\n Geleneksel T\u00fcrk tarihi, T\u00fcrklerin Orta Asya\u2019dan g\u00f6\u00e7\u00fcn\u00fc kurakl\u0131k, salg\u0131n hastal\u0131k, n\u00fcfus fazlal\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi birka\u00e7 ba\u015fl\u0131k alt\u0131nda toplar, ifade eder. Do\u011fal ko\u015fullar\u0131n ya\u015fama elveri\u015fsiz hale gelmesinden kaynakl\u0131 olarak yeni yurt aray\u0131\u015f\u0131na giren T\u00fcrkler, atlar\u0131n\u0131 bat\u0131ya do\u011fru s\u00fcrerek, K\u00fcrtlerin deste\u011fiyle Bizans\u2019\u0131n egemenlik sahas\u0131nda yeni bir yurt edindiler.<\/p>\n T\u00fcrklerin ve K\u00fcrtlerin bulu\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n tarihi daha eskiye dayansa da K\u00fcrt-T\u00fcrk ili\u015fkilerini inceleyen, bunun \u00fczerine c\u00fcmle kuran \u00e7o\u011fu ara\u015ft\u0131rmac\u0131 ve tarih\u00e7i, iki halk\u0131n ilk K\u00fcrdistan ve Anadolu topraklar\u0131ndaki siyasi ili\u015fkilenmesini 1071 Malazgirt Sava\u015f\u0131na ba\u011flar. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc T\u00fcrk-K\u00fcrt ittifak\u0131 ile Anadolu kap\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n T\u00fcrklere a\u00e7\u0131lmas\u0131 Malazgirt Sava\u015f\u0131 ile tarihlendirilir. Biz de bu anonim bilgi \u00fczerinden devam edece\u011fiz.<\/p>\n Malazgirt\u2019te ba\u015flayan K\u00fcrt-T\u00fcrk ittifak\u0131 1514 \u00c7ald\u0131ran Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019nda iyice peki\u015fir, T\u00fcrkler egemenlik sahas\u0131n\u0131 geni\u015fletirken, K\u00fcrtler de Amasya S\u00f6zle\u015fmesi ile kendi \u00f6zerk yap\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 m\u00fch\u00fcrlemi\u015f olurlar. 1516 Mercid\u00e2b\u0131k ve 1517 Ridaniye (Meml\u00fbk) Sava\u015flar\u0131nda, Osmanl\u0131 Pa\u015fas\u0131 Yavuz Selim\u2019le birlikte sava\u015f\u0131p \u2018zafer\u2019 kazanmalar\u0131 ve Hilafet\u2019in Osmanl\u0131ya ge\u00e7mesi, ili\u015fkinin karakterini de belirler. B\u00f6ylece Suriye ve M\u0131s\u0131r seferlerinden sonra Yavuz Selim\u2019e ald\u0131r\u0131lan Hilafet arma\u011fan\u0131, K\u00fcrtlerin, T\u00fcrklerle \u2018\u0130slam karde\u015fli\u011fi\u2019 ba\u011f\u0131n\u0131n hay\u0131r duas\u0131 olur.<\/a>[2]<\/a><\/p>\n 1830 y\u0131llara kadar K\u00fcrdistan \u00f6zerk Mirlikler ile y\u00f6netilir. Stat\u00fc ve egemenlik sorunlar\u0131 \u00e7o\u011funlukla olmaz. II.Mahmut\u2019un \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu merkezile\u015ftirme \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 ba\u015flay\u0131nca, K\u00fcrt beyliklerinin tahtlar\u0131 sallanmaya ba\u015flar. Botan, Soran, Baban gibi b\u00fcy\u00fck beylikler, otonom yap\u0131lar\u0131 bozulaca\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in Saray\u0131n bu revizyonunu kabul etmez. Osmanl\u0131 merkezile\u015fmesine Botan Miri Bedirhan Bey, Revanduzlu K\u00f6r Mehmet Pa\u015fa, Said Bey ve Soran Miri Mir Muhammed olmak \u00fczere \u00e7ok say\u0131da mir isyan eder.<\/a>[3]<\/a><\/p>\n 1514 \u00c7ald\u0131ran Sava\u015f\u0131, 1517 Ridaniye Sava\u015f\u0131, 1919-1921 Kurtulu\u015f Sava\u015f\u0131, K\u00fcrt-T\u00fcrk ili\u015fkilerinin \u00f6zerk stat\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fc belirlerken, 1923\u2019te imzalanan Lozan Antla\u015fmas\u0131 ile Osmanl\u0131 bakiyesi \u00fczerine T\u00fcrkiye Cumhuriyeti in\u015fa edilir. \u2018\u2019Tek Devlet, Tek Bayrak, Tek Millet, Tek Dil, Tek Din\u2019\u2019 esaslar\u0131 \u00fczerine kurulan yeni devlet, K\u00fcrt-T\u00fcrk ittifak\u0131nda k\u0131r\u0131lmalara neden olur ve iki halk\u0131n ili\u015fkilerinde \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclme ba\u015flar. Osmanl\u0131 \u00e7oklu bakiyesi \u00fczerine kurulan tek\u00e7i T\u00fcrkiye Cumhuriyeti, bir y\u00fczy\u0131l boyunca bu tek\u00e7i paradigman\u0131n sanc\u0131lar\u0131yla ya\u015fad\u0131. Cumhuriyetin ikinci y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131na girdi\u011fimiz \u015fu g\u00fcnlerde, birinci y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmemi\u015f sorunlar\u0131n\u0131n sanc\u0131s\u0131 yo\u011fun olarak hissediliyor hala.<\/p>\n Lozan Antla\u015fmas\u0131 ve\u00a0Aldat\u0131lan K\u00fcrt Karde\u015f<\/strong><\/p>\n Osmanl\u0131 \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu d\u00fc\u015fme ve da\u011f\u0131lma e\u011frisine girdi\u011finde, Sarayla ili\u015fkileri adeta pamuk ipli\u011fine ba\u011fl\u0131 halklar birer birer m\u00fcstakil devletlerini kurmu\u015flard\u0131. \u0130mparatorluktan par\u00e7a par\u00e7a kopan halklar 60\u2019tan fazla devlet kurmu\u015f,<\/a>[4]<\/a> devletsiz halk K\u00fcrtler ise tercihlerini T\u00fcrklerle karde\u015flikten yana yapm\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/p>\n I.D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131nda d\u00fcnya haritas\u0131 yeniden \u015fekillenirken, sava\u015f galibi \u0130tilaf Devletlerinin \u00f6nc\u00fcs\u00fc \u0130ngiltere ve Fransa, Mezopotamya\u2019da derin siyaset yapm\u0131\u015f, K\u00fcrdistan\u2019\u0131 par\u00e7alara b\u00f6lm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. Araplar\u0131 irili ufakl\u0131 devletlere b\u00f6len emperyalistler, Mezopotamya\u2019n\u0131n kadim halk\u0131 K\u00fcrtlere stat\u00fcs\u00fcz bir gelecek b\u0131rakt\u0131lar. 1923\u2019te imzalanan ve y\u00fcz\u00fcnc\u00fc y\u0131l\u0131n\u0131 dolduran Lozan Antla\u015fmas\u0131, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de ya\u015fanan Ermeni<\/a>[5]<\/a>\u00a0Rum<\/a>[6]<\/a>, Yahudi<\/a>[7]<\/a>halklar\u0131 \u2018M\u00fcsl\u00fcman olmayan az\u0131nl\u0131k\u2019 stat\u00fcs\u00fcnde tan\u0131mlarken, Lozan\u2019da masada haz\u0131r bulunan ve asl\u0131nda T\u00fcrklerin (ve Mustafa Kemal’in) tayin etti\u011fi K\u00fcrt temsilciler, K\u00fcrtlerin ulusal haklar\u0131n\u0131, karde\u015f g\u00f6rd\u00fckleri T\u00fcrklerle birlikte ya\u015famaya tahvile etmi\u015f, K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n ne haklar\u0131n\u0131 ne de ad\u0131n\u0131 herhangi bir maddede ya da c\u00fcmlede dahi telaffuz ettirememi\u015flerdi.<\/p>\n Bu karde\u015flik tutumu asl\u0131nda K\u00fcrtler i\u00e7in haz\u0131rlanm\u0131\u015f zehirli bir ekmekti. Bu ekme\u011fi yiyen ana ak\u0131m bir K\u00fcrt ayd\u0131n grubu da mevcuttu. Bu grup; \u2018\u0130slam \u00dcmmeti\u2019 olarak y\u00fczy\u0131llarca nas\u0131l birlikte ya\u015fanm\u0131\u015fsa, ayn\u0131 \u015fekilde ya\u015fanabilece\u011fini \u2018ortak vatan\u2019 tasavvuruyla savunup, r\u0131za \u00fcretmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yordu. Seyid Abd\u00fclkadir gibi gelenek\u00e7i-\u00fcmmet\u00e7i K\u00fcrtler, umut ba\u011flad\u0131klar\u0131 Padi\u015fah ile \u00f6zerk bir y\u00f6netim alt\u0131nda ya\u015famaktan yana tav\u0131r g\u00f6steriyordu. Dan\u0131\u015ftay Ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve Senat\u00f6rl\u00fck de yapan K\u00fcrdistan Teali Cemiyeti Ba\u015fkan\u0131 Seyid Abd\u00fclkadir, T\u00fcrklerin zor bir d\u00f6nemden ge\u00e7ti\u011fini, onlar\u0131 yaln\u0131z b\u0131rakmamak gerekti\u011fini savunuyordu. Asl\u0131nda K\u00fcrdistan Teali Cemiyetinde iki anlay\u0131\u015f vard\u0131 ve bu anlay\u0131\u015flar\u0131n \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma halinde oldu\u011fu biliniyor.<\/p>\n K\u00fcrdistan Teali Cemiyeti\u2019in gen\u00e7 \u00fcyesi Nuri Dersimi, K\u00fcrt gen\u00e7ler aras\u0131ndaki milli kayna\u015fman\u0131n dikkat \u00e7ekici boyutta oldu\u011funu, yap\u0131lan toplant\u0131larda gen\u00e7lerin, ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z K\u00fcrdistan\u2019\u0131n ilan edilmesi ve K\u00fcrdistan\u2019daki yabanc\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7lerin \u00fclkeden \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lmas\u0131 y\u00f6n\u00fcnde fikir beyan ettiklerini, ama KTC Ba\u015fkan\u0131 Seyid Abd\u00fclkadir\u2019in bu fikre kar\u015f\u0131 muhalefet geli\u015ftirdi\u011fini\u00a0\u2018\u2018T\u00fcrklerin \u015fu d\u00fc\u015fk\u00fcn zaman\u0131nda onlara darbe indirmekli\u011fimizin K\u00fcrtl\u00fck \u015fiar\u0131na yak\u0131\u015fmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ileri s\u00fcr\u00fcyor, \u015fimdilik T\u00fcrklere yard\u0131m etmekli\u011fimiz l\u00fczumunda \u0131srar ediyordu\u2019\u2019\u00a0<\/em>diyerek tepki g\u00f6sterdi\u011fini aktar\u0131r.<\/a>[8]<\/a><\/p>\n Seyid Abd\u00fclkadir grubu T\u00fcrklerle ya\u015famay\u0131 savunurken, birlikte ya\u015fama \u015fans\u0131n\u0131n kalmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 savunup, ayr\u0131 devlet kurmak i\u00e7in harekete ge\u00e7en bir \u2018J\u00f6n K\u00fcrt\u2019 grubu da vard\u0131 ve KTC\u2019de ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z K\u00fcrdistan istediklerini y\u00fcksek sesle dile getiriyorlard\u0131. Avrupa \u00fclkelerinde e\u011fitim g\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015f Bedirhani, Cemilpa\u015fa ve Baban ailesinin \u00fcyeleri, \u00e7o\u011funlukla ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir K\u00fcrt devletinin kurulmas\u0131ndan yanayd\u0131.<\/p>\n Seyit Abd\u00fclkadir<\/a>[9]<\/a>, Hasan Hayri<\/a>[10]<\/a>, Yusuf Ziya<\/a>[11]<\/a>\u00a0gibi \u015fahsiyetler, Lozan Anla\u015fmas\u0131ndan sonra bu fikirlerinden cayacak ama tarihin bu momentini de \u0131skalam\u0131\u015f olacaklard\u0131. Oysa ayn\u0131 Seyid Abd\u00fclkadir, babas\u0131 \u015eeyh Ubeydullah ile Osmanl\u0131 taraftar\u0131 olarak Ruslarla, K\u00fcrdistan i\u00e7in de hem \u0130ran hem de Osmanl\u0131 ile sava\u015fm\u0131\u015f, deneyimi bir siyaset insan\u0131yd\u0131. Ama t\u00fcm bu deneyimleri onun, d\u00fcnya yeniden yap\u0131lan\u0131rken ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 olmas\u0131na yetmeyecek, neticede savundu\u011fu karde\u015fli\u011fin bedelini, o\u011flu Seyid Mehmed ile dara\u011fac\u0131nda \u00f6deyecekti. Hatta tutukland\u0131\u011f\u0131nda \u2018beni idam ederlerse, h\u00fck\u00fcmet milletin ba\u015f\u0131na b\u00fcy\u00fck gaile a\u00e7ar, K\u00fcrtler hep k\u0131yam eder,\u2019 dedi\u011fi de rivayet edilir.<\/a>[12]<\/a>\u00a0Dedi\u011fi gibi devlet ve h\u00fck\u00fcmetler her K\u00fcrt idam\u0131 ve cinayetinden sonra memleketin ba\u015f\u0131na b\u00fcy\u00fck dertler a\u00e7t\u0131lar. K\u0131yamlar da hi\u00e7 bitmedi. Y\u00fcz y\u0131l sonra da bu mesele yeni bi\u00e7im ve olgular\u0131yla can yakmaya devam ediyor.<\/p>\n G\u00fcn\u00fcn sonunda ise fena halde yan\u0131ld\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 anlam\u0131\u015f, politik \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fcs\u00fczl\u00fcklerinin \u2018su\u00e7unu\u2019 \u0130smet \u0130n\u00f6n\u00fc\u2019ye<\/a>[8]<\/a> y\u0131kmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015flard\u0131. K\u00fcrtlerle ilgili \u00e7ok say\u0131da nefret i\u00e7erikli beyan\u0131 bulunan \u0130n\u00f6n\u00fc ise kendisine verilen g\u00f6revi lay\u0131k\u0131yla (!) yapm\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/p>\n Az\u0131nl\u0131\u011fa Verilen Hak \u00c7o\u011funlu\u011fa Verilmedi<\/strong><\/p>\n Lozan’da K\u00fcrtlerin pay\u0131na stat\u00fcs\u00fczl\u00fck d\u00fc\u015ferken, K\u00fcrtlerle ayn\u0131 co\u011frafyada ya\u015fayan, co\u011frafi anlamda kaderleri benzer olan Asuri halklar da (S\u00fcryani-Keldani), Rum, Ermeni, Yahudi halklara tan\u0131nan \u2018az\u0131nl\u0131k\u2019 haklar\u0131ndan mahrum b\u0131rak\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/p>\n Lozan\u2019a kat\u0131lan K\u00fcrt delegeler ve K\u00fcrdistan\u2019\u0131n ahalisinin bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc, s\u00f6zde, kurulan yeni vatana ortak olduklar\u0131 i\u00e7in \u00f6zel bir tan\u0131nmaya ihtiya\u00e7 duymam\u0131\u015flard\u0131. \u0130smet \u0130n\u00f6n\u00fc de Lozan’da K\u00fcrtlerin ve T\u00fcrklerin ortak temsilcisi gibi beyanlarda bulununca, K\u00fcrt delegeler; ellerinde bir s\u00f6zle\u015fme olmadan, olmayan ortakl\u0131\u011fa kanaat getirmi\u015f olmal\u0131yd\u0131. \u00d6te yandan Anadolu’da ya\u015fayan di\u011fer halklar az\u0131nl\u0131k da olsa tan\u0131mlanm\u0131\u015f,<\/a>[9]<\/a> Sonu\u00e7 olarak; Ermeni, Rum, Yahudi az\u0131nl\u0131\u011fa verilen haklar, \u00e7o\u011funluk olan K\u00fcrtlere verilmemi\u015f ve bu siyasetle de K\u00fcrt-T\u00fcrk tarihindeki en b\u00fcy\u00fck k\u0131r\u0131lma dinami\u011fi devreye al\u0131nm\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/p>\n Peki Lozan\u2019\u0131 Destekleyen K\u00fcrtler Nas\u0131l Aldanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131?\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n \u0130smet \u0130n\u00f6n\u00fc Lozan g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmelerinde \u2018T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de T\u00fcrkler ve K\u00fcrtler e\u015fittir, kurucu halklard\u0131r\u2019 derken, Mustafa Kemal de K\u00fcrtlere teminat olsun diye \u20181921 Anayasas\u0131\u2019na g\u00f6re K\u00fcrtlerin \u00f6zerkli\u011fi oldu\u011funu\u2019 s\u00f6yl\u00fcyordu. Bu arada 10 \u015eubat 1922 tarihinde meclisteki bir gizli oturumda K\u00fcrtlere \u00f6zerklik teklifi g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fclm\u00fc\u015f, 64 ret oyuna kar\u015f\u0131 373 evet oyuyla \u00f6zerklik kabul edilmi\u015fti.<\/a>[10]<\/a> K\u00fcrtlerin bir millet olarak \u2018bu\u2019 topraklarda her t\u00fcrl\u00fc haklar\u0131 kabul ediliyor ama kurulacak yeni devlette kurucu olmalar\u0131 engelleniyordu. Bir tak\u0131m K\u00fcrt siyaset insanlar\u0131; T\u00fcrk liderlerin \u2018karde\u015fiz, birlikteyiz\u2019 yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 k\u0131ymetli bulup, verilen g\u00fcvencelerle, yeni kurulacak olan ortak vatanda ya\u015famay\u0131 savunuyor, \u00e7\u0131kan \u00f6zerklik yasas\u0131n\u0131 g\u00fcvence olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcyor ve Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z K\u00fcrdistan isteyenleri macerac\u0131l\u0131kla su\u00e7luyordu. D\u00f6nemin etkili Milletvekillerinden Bitlisli Yusuf Ziya Bey ve Dersimli Hasan Hayri Bey, Lozan g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmelerinin s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc esnada, mecliste \u0130ngilizlere kar\u015f\u0131, yeni kurulan T\u00fcrkiye Cumhuriyeti\u2019nde beraber olduklar\u0131na dair ate\u015fli konu\u015fmalar yapm\u0131\u015flard\u0131. Bu iki \u015fahsiyetin bu ba\u011flamda yapt\u0131klar\u0131 \u2018hizmet\u2019 ve bunun adeta \u00f6d\u00fcl\u00fc (!) olarak idam edilmeleri, K\u00fcrt-T\u00fcrk ili\u015fkileri a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan ibret verici olarak tan\u0131mlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n \u2018T\u00fcrkleri Zorda B\u0131rakmak K\u00fcrtlere Yak\u0131\u015fmaz\u2019<\/strong><\/p>\n \u0130mparatorlu\u011fun g\u00fcn be g\u00fcn toprak kaybetti\u011fi y\u0131llarda, Ermenileri b\u00fcy\u00fck bir katliamla hayat\u0131n ve siyasetin d\u0131\u015f\u0131na iten T\u00fcrklerin, K\u00fcrtlerden ba\u015fka dayanak alaca\u011f\u0131 g\u00fcc\u00fc de \u2018karde\u015fi\u2019 de kalmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/p>\n \n Verilen S\u00f6zler Unutuluyor<\/strong><\/p>\n Lozan\u2019da T\u00fcrk-K\u00fcrt karde\u015fli\u011finkinden bahseden ve K\u00fcrt-T\u00fcrk temsili ad\u0131na masaya oturan \u0130smet \u0130n\u00f6n\u00fc 1925\u2019te \u2018\u2018T\u00fcrklere ve T\u00fcrk\u00e7\u00fcl\u00fc\u011fe muhalefet edecek anas\u0131r\u0131 kesip ataca\u011f\u0131z. Vatana hizmet edeceklerde arayaca\u011f\u0131m\u0131z nitelikler, her \u015feyden evvel o adam\u0131n T\u00fcrk ve T\u00fcrk\u00e7\u00fc olmas\u0131d\u0131r,\u2019\u2019 diyerek, Lozan\u2019daki tutumunun aksine tek\u00e7i paradigmaya uygun c\u00fcmle kuracak, K\u00fcrt \u2018karde\u015flerini\u2019 yok sayacakt\u0131.<\/a>[16]<\/a><\/p>\n D\u00f6nemin Adalet Bakan\u0131 Mahmut Esat Bozkurt da K\u00fcrtlere ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131 kalmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 1930\u2019da bas\u0131na \u015fu a\u00e7\u0131klamalarda bulunuyordu:\u00a0\u201cT\u00fcrkler bu \u00fclkenin tek ve yetki sahipleridirler. Saf T\u00fcrk olmayan hi\u00e7 kimsenin bu \u00fclkede hi\u00e7bir hakk\u0131 yoktur; onlar sadece ve sadece hizmet\u00e7i ve k\u00f6le olma hakk\u0131na sahiptirler. Bu ger\u00e7e\u011fi dost, d\u00fc\u015fman, herkes, da\u011flar bile bilmek zorundad\u0131r.\u201d<\/a>[17]<\/strong><\/a><\/em>\u00a0K\u00fcrtler devletler aras\u0131 b\u00f6l\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015fl\u00fckleri ve esaretlerini; \u2018da\u011flardan ba\u015fka dostumuz yok\u2019 s\u00f6z\u00fc ile teselli bulurlar. Mahmut Esat bu s\u00f6zlerle o ara tekrar da\u011flara meyil eden (A\u011fr\u0131 Ayaklanmas\u0131) K\u00fcrtlere kendi \u2018ger\u00e7ekliklerini\u2019 duyurmak istiyor.<\/p>\n Sevr Antla\u015fmas\u0131nda topraklar\u0131 par\u00e7alansa da bir stat\u00fcleri olan K\u00fcrtler, Paris Bar\u0131\u015f Konferans\u0131ndan sonra, ki co\u011frafya i\u00e7in ba\u011flay\u0131c\u0131 olan, Lozan Antla\u015fmas\u0131nda \u2018s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeden daha a\u015fa\u011f\u0131\u2019 bir stat\u00fcye d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr\u00fcl\u00fcnce direni\u015fe ge\u00e7tiler.<\/p>\n 1921 Ko\u00e7giri Hareketi ile ba\u015flayan<\/a>[18]<\/a>\u00a0K\u00fcrt direni\u015fi 1925 \u015eeyh Said Hareketi ile 1930 A\u011fr\u0131 Da\u011f\u0131 \u0130syan\u0131 aras\u0131nda irili ufakl\u0131 ba\u015fkald\u0131r\u0131 ve katliamlar ya\u015fad\u0131lar. Bu zaman diliminde kitlesel Zilan Katliam\u0131 dahil olmak \u00fczere Sason, Nehri, Milli, Hazro, Mutki, Tend\u00fcrek, Re\u015fkotan, Raman, Broy\u00ea Hesk\u00ea T\u00eali, Be\u015firi, Bi\u015far\u00ea \u00c7eto, Savur, Oramar, \u00c7emi\u015fgezek\/Kocan, P\u00fcl\u00fcm\u00fcr direni\u015fleri ve katliamlar\u0131, Dersim 38 Soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131na kadar s\u00fcrd\u00fc. T\u00fcrk Genelkurmay\u0131n\u0131n \u201929. K\u00fcrt \u0130syan\u0131\u2019 dedi\u011fi PKK ile \u2018isyan\u2019 s\u00fcreci g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcze ta\u015f\u0131nd\u0131.<\/p>\n K\u00fcrtlerin \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck Metinleri: Memorandumlar<\/strong><\/p>\n Osmanl\u0131 \u0130mparatorlu\u011funun da\u011f\u0131lma e\u011frisine girdi\u011fi y\u0131llarda, K\u00fcrtler de siyasal, toplumsal de\u011fi\u015fim ge\u00e7iriyordu. \u00d6zellikle Avrupa \u00fclkelerinde y\u00fcksek e\u011fitim g\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015f K\u00fcrt gen\u00e7leri d\u00fcnyadaki de\u011fi\u015fimlerden etkileniyor ve bu de\u011fi\u015fimleri kendi toplumlar\u0131nda ya\u015fanmas\u0131 i\u00e7in motor g\u00fc\u00e7 olmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yordu. K\u00fcrtlerdeki bu sosyo-ekonomik ve sosyo-politik birikim sivil toplum alan\u0131n\u0131n da geli\u015fimine olanak sa\u011fl\u0131yordu. Bu y\u0131llarda bir millet olarak varl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 bilince \u00e7\u0131karan K\u00fcrt ileri gelenleri, milliyet\u00e7i fikirlerle siyasal alan\u0131 domine ediyordu. K\u00fcrt ayd\u0131n ve siyaset insanlar\u0131 ulus-devletlerin kuruldu\u011fu bu ortamda, tarihin ve zaman\u0131n gerisinde kalmamak i\u00e7in ba\u015fkent \u0130stanbul\u2019da okul a\u00e7\u0131yor, banka a\u00e7mak i\u00e7in giri\u015fimde<\/a>[19]<\/a>bulunuyor, gazete ve dergi \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131yor, K\u00fcrdistan Teali Cemiyeti \u00f6rne\u011finde oldu\u011fu gibi siyasal alana m\u00fcdahale edip, K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n da di\u011fer milletler liginde yerini almas\u0131 i\u00e7in \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yordu.<\/p>\n Y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131nda ulusal fikirleri y\u00fckselen K\u00fcrtlerin uluslararas\u0131 d\u00fczeyde ili\u015fki, destek arama \u00e7abalar\u0131 da ba\u015flar. O y\u0131llarda reva\u00e7ta olan mektup yollama ya da isteklerini mektuplar arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla dile getirme reva\u00e7ta oldu\u011fu i\u00e7in K\u00fcrtler de memorandum mektup y\u00f6ntemini kullan\u0131r.<\/p>\n Tarihi \u00f6nemi olan bu memorandumlar\u0131n en \u00f6nemlisi \u015eerif Pa\u015fa\u2019n\u0131n Paris Bar\u0131\u015f Konferans\u0131na sundu\u011fu metin say\u0131labilir. \u015eerif Pa\u015fa\u2019n\u0131n Frans\u0131zca yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u2018\u2018Memorandum sur les revendications du peuple Kurde-K\u00fcrt Halk\u0131n\u0131n Talepleri \u00dczerine Nota\u2019\u2019 memorandumu kadim ve kararl\u0131 K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n gelece\u011fini Kongrenin adaletine b\u0131rakt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, Wilson Prensiplerine g\u00f6re K\u00fcrtlerin uzun vadede ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir devlete kavu\u015fturulmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fini, K\u00fcrtlerin \u00f6zellikle Ermenilerle olan s\u0131n\u0131r anla\u015fmazl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n da uluslararas\u0131 bir komisyonla belirlenmesini, K\u00fcrdistan kurulunca da K\u00fcrtlerle birlikte ya\u015fayacak olan halklar\u0131n \u2018geleneklerine uygun \u00f6zel bir stat\u00fcn\u00fcn uygulanabilece\u011fini\u2019 deklare eder. G\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc gibi K\u00fcrtler, hen\u00fcz ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z devletlerine kavu\u015fmadan bile kendi \u2018az\u0131nl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131n\u2019 stat\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fc garanti etmi\u015fler.<\/p>\n Yine ayn\u0131 d\u00f6nemde Dersimli (Ko\u00e7giri dahil) toplum \u00f6nderlerinin yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 1920 tarihli mektuplar\u0131n tarihsel \u00f6nemi b\u00fcy\u00fckt\u00fcr. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc Bar\u0131\u015f Konferans\u0131 s\u00fcrerken Mustafa Kemal ve ekibi \u2018yanda\u015f\u2019 a\u015firet reisi ve inan\u00e7 \u00f6nderi (Alevi-S\u00fcnni) eliyle kar\u015f\u0131 mektup ve telgraflar yollat\u0131p, \u015eerif Pa\u015fa\u2019n\u0131n K\u00fcrdistan M\u00fcmessilli\u011fini bo\u015fa d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcrmeye ve \u0130stanbul merkezli K\u00fcrdistan Teali Cemiyetinin me\u015fruiyetini sorgulatmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yordu. Dersim-Ko\u00e7giri-Malatya K\u00fcrtleri ad\u0131na Ali\u015f\u00ear Efendinin yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 mektuplar K\u00fcrdistan\u2019\u0131n tesisi i\u00e7in \u015eerif Pa\u015fa ve K\u00fcrdistan Teali Cemiyet\u2019inin yetkili oldu\u011funun ilan ediyordu. 7 Mart 1920 tarihinde g\u00f6nderilen memorandum mektupta K\u00fcrt haklar\u0131 ikirciksiz, net olarak d\u00fcnyaya ilan edilir. \u015e\u00f6yle diyor mektup:\u00a0\u2018\u2018Bu yoldan ulusal gelece\u011fimize engel olmak isteyenlere kar\u015f\u0131 Tanr\u0131\u2019\u0131n yard\u0131m\u0131yla ulusal varl\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 g\u00f6sterecek ve hakkaniyet k\u0131l\u0131c\u0131yla haklar\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 elde edece\u011fimize emin isek de, uygar d\u00fcnyaca k\u0131nanan ve insanl\u0131\u011fa zararl\u0131 olan sava\u015f ve insan \u00f6ld\u00fcrmeyi uygun g\u00f6rmedi\u011fimiz i\u00e7in \u0131l\u0131ml\u0131 tutumumuzu s\u00fcrd\u00fcrerek, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin se\u00e7im ve ulusal yap\u0131s\u0131na kar\u0131\u015fmayarak, ancak sayg\u0131de\u011fer Genel Bar\u0131\u015f Meclisi\u2019nde ortaya \u00e7\u0131kacak kararla her milletin kendi kaderini kendi \u00f6zg\u00fcr iradesiyle tayini ve korumas\u0131 hakk\u0131ndaki bir\u00e7ok hakkaniyetli a\u00e7\u0131klamalar\u0131n\u0131z \u00fczerine, biz K\u00fcrt milleti dahi Allah\u2019\u0131n izniyle kendi kaderimizi ve ulusal ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 tayin i\u00e7in b\u00fct\u00fcn d\u00fcnyaca bilinen K\u00fcrdistan\u2019\u0131n do\u011fal s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131 bulunan Erzincan\u2019\u0131n kuzeyindeki da\u011flarla K\u0131z\u0131l\u0131rmak kayna\u011f\u0131 ve g\u00fcney havzas\u0131n\u0131 te\u015fkil eyleyen Zara, Ko\u00e7giri ve di\u011fer b\u00f6l\u00fcmleriyle b\u00fcy\u00fck bir kitle, ezeli vatan\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n K\u00fcrdistan olarak tan\u0131nmas\u0131 konusunun kay\u0131t ve tespitle karar alt\u0131na al\u0131nmas\u0131 y\u00f6n\u00fcne m\u00fcsaade buyurulmas\u0131 ile bu konuda hak ve adalet kalemlerinin \u00e7ekilmesi [imzalanmas\u0131 y\u00f6n\u00fcndeki] isteklerimizi, b\u00fct\u00fcn K\u00fcrt ve K\u00fcrdistan milleti nam\u0131na \u00f6v\u00fcn\u00e7le arz ederiz.\u2019\u2019<\/em><\/p>\n Bu muht\u0131ra mektupta her ne kadar \u2018\u2018K\u00fcrdistan milleti\u2019\u2019 ad\u0131na c\u00fcmle kurulsa da daha \u00e7ok Alevi K\u00fcrt co\u011frafyas\u0131 tarif ediliyor. Bunun as\u0131l sebebini bug\u00fcnk\u00fc bilgilerle anlamak zor olsa da, \u00f6yle anla\u015f\u0131l\u0131yor ki K\u00fcrdistan\u2019\u0131n di\u011fer b\u00f6lgelerinden \u2018din karde\u015fli\u011fi\u2019 fikriyle yaz\u0131lan ve esas olarak da ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z K\u00fcrdistan\u2019a kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kan ve T\u00fcrklerin organize etti\u011fi bilinen muht\u0131ra mektup ve telgraflara kar\u015f\u0131n taktik siyaset yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015f. Ali\u015f\u00ear\u2019in yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 bu mektuptaki dar g\u00f6lge tarifi, en az\u0131ndan bu b\u00f6lgede (Erzincan\u2019dan Zara\u2019ya..) ulusal taleplerinin tan\u0131nmas\u0131, K\u00fcrdistan\u2019\u0131n, bu b\u00f6lgede de olsa tesis edilmesi i\u00e7in yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olabilir.<\/p>\n Dersim-Ko\u00e7giri\u2019nin bu memorandum mektuplar\u0131ndan sonra, K\u00fcrtlerin \u00e7e\u015fitli istek ve destek metinleri dola\u015f\u0131ma girer. 1 Ekim 1924 tarihinde\u00a0K\u00fcrt Ligi ad\u0131na, Halil Rahmi Bedirhan ve M. Cemil Salim imzalar\u0131yla, Musul \u00f6zelinde K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n haklar\u0131n\u0131n tesis edilmesi i\u00e7in, diplomatik nota olarak Milletler Cemiyetine yani bug\u00fcnk\u00fc ad\u0131yla Birle\u015fmi\u015f Milletlere\u00a0verildi\u011fi biliniyor. Bu memorandumda Lozan Anla\u015fmas\u0131nda \u2018bilin\u00e7li olarak unutulan\u2019 K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrce geli\u015fmesi i\u00e7in Uluslararas\u0131 Y\u00fcksek Adalet ve Bar\u0131\u015f Te\u015fkilat\u0131n\u0131n deste\u011fine ihtiya\u00e7 duyuldu\u011fu ifade edilir.<\/p>\n Mustafa Kemal ve \u0130smet \u0130n\u00f6n\u00fc\u2019ye G\u00f6nderilen Mektuplar<\/strong><\/p>\n Demokrat Parti eski Milletvekili Mustafa Remzi Bucak 1965 y\u0131l\u0131nda New York\u2019tan \u0130smet \u0130n\u00f6n\u00fc\u2019ye bir muht\u0131ra mektup yaz\u0131p, K\u00fcrdistan\u2019a federasyon talep eder. Bucak o aralar K\u0131br\u0131s T\u00fcrkleri i\u00e7in konu\u015fulan federasyonun K\u00fcrtler i\u00e7in de tatbik edilebilece\u011fini iletir \u0130n\u00f6n\u00fc\u2019ye. \u015e\u00f6yle diyor Bucak:\u00a0\u2018\u2018K\u0131saca zat\u0131 devletiniz, alt taraf\u0131 seksen bin K\u0131br\u0131sl\u0131 T\u00fcrk\u00e7e konu\u015fan z\u00fcmre i\u00e7in d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcp uygun g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcz \u015fekli idarenin, yani federatif bir tarz\u0131 idarenin, bizzat T\u00fcrkiye Cumhuriyeti hudutlar\u0131 i\u00e7inde ya\u015famakta bulunan sekiz milyonluk K\u00fcrt camias\u0131 i\u00e7in de kabul ve tatbiktir\u2019\u2019\u00a0<\/em>diyor.<\/a>[20]<\/a><\/p>\n K\u00fcrtlerin T\u00fcrklere yollad\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6nemli muht\u0131ra mektuplardan biri de Celadet Bedirhan\u2019\u0131n 1933 y\u0131l\u0131nda Mustafa Kemal\u2019e yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 muht\u0131ra mektuptur. Cumhuriyetin 10. Y\u0131l\u0131n\u0131n kutland\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00fcnlerde kurumla\u015fan Kemalizm\u2019in ve T\u00fcrk\u00e7\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019ye b\u00fcy\u00fck zarar verece\u011fine, T\u00fcrk Ocaklar\u0131 ve benzi organizasyonlar\u0131n gelecekte kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 yarataca\u011f\u0131na dikkat \u00e7ekip, bu olu\u015fumlar\u0131n T\u00fcrklere \u2018T\u00fcrk\u00e7\u00fc\u2019 yeti\u015ftirece\u011fi gibi, K\u00fcrtlere de \u2018K\u00fcrt\u00e7\u00fc\u2019 yeti\u015ftirece\u011fi uyar\u0131s\u0131nda bulunur.<\/a>[21]<\/a><\/p>\n K\u00fcrdistan\u2019\u0131n \u00dcst\u00fcne \u00d6rt\u00fclen \u0130slam\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n K\u00fcrdistan\u2019\u0131 par\u00e7alay\u0131p y\u00f6netenler, \u0130slam\u2019\u0131; K\u00fcrt ulusal haklar\u0131n\u0131 gizlemek i\u00e7in adeta bir \u00f6rt\u00fc olarak kullanm\u0131\u015flard\u0131. Osmanl\u0131 \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu\u2019nun egemenlik sa\u011fas\u0131ndan, K\u00fcrdistan hari\u00e7, toplam 66 devlet \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131. \u00dcstelikte hat\u0131r\u0131 say\u0131l\u0131r bir k\u0131sm\u0131 da M\u00fcsl\u00fcman karde\u015fti. Ama K\u00fcrtler \u2018karde\u015flik\u2019 ve \u2018din\u2019 mefhumuyla i\u00e7erde tutulmu\u015ftu.<\/p>\n Mustafa Kemal, Erzurum ve Sivas Kongreleriyle birtak\u0131m K\u00fcrtleri \u00f6rg\u00fctlemi\u015f, kendi gelecek tasar\u0131m\u0131nda kullanmak i\u00e7in arg\u00fcmanla\u015ft\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Ayr\u0131ca K\u00fcrt \u015feyh ve a\u015firet liderlerine yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 mektuplarla K\u00fcrtleri, \u0130mparatorluktan ayr\u0131lan di\u011fer halklar gibi kopu\u015ftan al\u0131 koymay\u0131 hedeflemi\u015fti. Do\u011frusu K\u00fcrtleri b\u00f6lerek, co\u011frafi olarak par\u00e7alayarak (Musul gibi) T\u00fcrkiye i\u015finde tutmay\u0131 da ba\u015farm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin bat\u0131s\u0131nda \u2018T\u00fcrkleri kurtaran adam\u2019 imaj\u0131 ile lanse edilen Mustafa Kemal; S\u00fcnni K\u00fcrtlere \u2018\u0130slam karde\u015fli\u011fini kollayan adam\u2019 ve \u2018Mehdi\u2019, Alevi K\u00fcrtlere ve genel olarak Alevilere de \u2018Bekta\u015fi evlad\u0131\u2019 olarak sunulmu\u015ftu. \u00d6zellikle K\u00fcrt inan\u00e7 \u00f6nderlerine yollad\u0131\u011f\u0131 taktik ve stratejik mektuplarla<\/a>[22]<\/a>\u00a0zaten yekpare olmayan K\u00fcrt toplumunda b\u00f6l\u00fcnmelere neden olmu\u015ftu.<\/p>\n Mustafa Kemal yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 taktik mektuplar\u0131n yararlar\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6rd\u00fck\u00e7e \u00e7o\u011falt\u0131r. 1919\u2019da Hac\u0131 Kaya ve \u015eadzade Mustafa A\u011fa, Nor\u015finli \u015eeyh Ziyadeddin, Bitlisli K\u00fcfrevizade \u015eeyh Abdulbaki gibi toplumsal kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 y\u00fcksek olan ki\u015filere mektuplar yazarak, K\u00fcrt-T\u00fcrk karde\u015fli\u011finin \u00f6nemine vurgu yapt\u0131ktan sonra, \u2018padi\u015fah\u0131 ve hilafeti \u0130slam birli\u011fi\u2019 ad\u0131na koruyaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131, kendisinin bu meyanda bir din sava\u015f\u0131 da y\u00fcr\u00fctt\u00fc\u011f\u00fc imaj\u0131 yaratarak dindar K\u00fcrtlerin kalbini kazanacakt\u0131.<\/p>\n Malatyal\u0131 Hac\u0131 Kaya ve \u015eadzade Mustafa A\u011fa\u2019ya yollad\u0131\u011f\u0131 mektuptaki \u015fu sat\u0131rlar, onun gizili ajandas\u0131n\u0131n ipu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 ele verir. \u015e\u00f6yle diyor:\u00a0\u2018\u2018Padi\u015fah ve millet hainlerinin yalanlar\u0131na kap\u0131larak, Allah korusun, \u0130slamlar aras\u0131nda kan ak\u0131t\u0131lmas\u0131 ve g\u00fcnahs\u0131z zavall\u0131 K\u00fcrt karde\u015flerimizden bir\u00e7o\u011funun devletin askerleri taraf\u0131ndan yok edilmeleri gibi d\u00fcnya ve ahiret i\u00e7in \u00e7ok a\u011f\u0131r bir sonucun meydana gelmemesi i\u00e7in yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131z \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar, g\u00f6sterdi\u011finiz vatanperverlik \u00f6rnekleri Sivas Kongresi Genel Kurulu\u2019nca b\u00fcy\u00fck bir takdirle kar\u015f\u0131lanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Sizler gibi dil ve namus sahibi b\u00fcy\u00fckleri olduk\u00e7a, K\u00fcrt ve T\u00fcrk\u2019\u00fcn birbirinden ayr\u0131lmaz iki \u00f6z karde\u015f olarak ya\u015famaya devam edece\u011fi ve Hilafet makam\u0131 etraf\u0131nda sars\u0131lmaz bir v\u00fccut halinde dahil ve hari\u00e7 d\u00fc\u015fmanlar\u0131m\u0131za kar\u015f\u0131 demirden bir kale halinde kalaca\u011f\u0131 ku\u015fkusuzdur.\u2019\u2019<\/em>\u00a0<\/a>[23]<\/a><\/p>\n Bu y\u0131llar\u0131n canl\u0131 tan\u0131\u011f\u0131 Ekrem Cemil Pa\u015fa, Paris Bar\u0131\u015f G\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmeleri yap\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 esnada Mustafa Kemal\u2019in K\u00fcrtleri nas\u0131l \u2018aldatt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131\u2019 \u015f\u00f6yle anlat\u0131yor: \u2018\u2018..her \u015feyini din i\u00e7in fedaya haz\u0131r K\u00fcrt\u2019\u00fc kolayl\u0131kla aldatmas\u0131n\u0131 biliyorlard\u0131. Mustafa Kemal 1917-1918 k\u0131\u015f\u0131nda Diyarbekir\u2019de ikinci ordu kumandan\u0131 Nihat Pa\u015fa\u2019y\u0131 hakimi mutlak olarak yine Diyarbekir\u2019e g\u00f6ndermi\u015fti. Her cuma g\u00fcn\u00fc Camii Kebire cuma namaz\u0131na geli\u015f merasimi, Sultan Hamdi Cuma selaml\u0131klar\u0131ndan daha debdebeliydi. Bando, m\u00fczika, borazanlar, s\u00fcvariler, s\u00fcsl\u00fc yaverler\u2026\u2019\u2019 Ekrem Cemil idealist K\u00fcrtler d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki ahalinin \u2018lal ve dilsiz olarak\u2019 Nihat Pa\u015fa\u2019n\u0131n etraf\u0131nda topland\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve bu \u2018\u2018kurnaz pa\u015fan\u0131n\u2019\u2019 \u0130slam\u2019\u0131 kullanarak Mustafa Kemal\u2019i kurtar\u0131c\u0131 olarak g\u00f6stermeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, hatta amcas\u0131 Cemilpa\u015fazade Mustafa\u2019n\u0131n \u2018hakiki Mehdi oldu\u011funa iman etti\u011fini\u2019 yazar.<\/a>[24]<\/a><\/p>\n Gizli A\u00e7\u0131k \u0130mha ve Eritme Yasalar\u0131\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n Bug\u00fcne de\u011fin K\u00fcrtlerin imhas\u0131n\u0131 ya da asimilasyonunu \u00f6neren \u00e7ok say\u0131da a\u00e7\u0131k gizli kanunlar ve belgeler yay\u0131nland\u0131. Bu kanunlar ve belgeler incelendi\u011finde devletin resm\u00ee kurumlar\u0131n\u0131n d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda sivil toplum kurulu\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n da bu programlar\u0131n haz\u0131rlan\u0131\u015f\u0131nda ve uygulanmas\u0131nda aktif g\u00f6rev ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr. Burada yeri gelmi\u015fken Devlet Planlama Te\u015fkilat\u0131\u2019n\u0131n da (DTP) asimilasyon ama\u00e7l\u0131 kullan\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirtelim. Hen\u00fcz yay\u0131mlanmam\u0131\u015f \u2018\u2018gizli\u2019\u2019 ibareli belgelerde bu kurumun yetkilileri ve \u00e7al\u0131\u015fanlar\u0131n\u0131n a\u00e7\u0131k c\u00fcmlelerle K\u00fcrtlerin asimilasyondan bahsetti\u011fini ve bu y\u00f6nl\u00fc \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 biliyoruz. Bu bilgiyle bile de\u011ferlendirildi\u011finde, sadece a\u015fa\u011f\u0131da bahsedece\u011fimiz kanun ve belgelerle K\u00fcrtler eritilmek istenmemi\u015f, g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde de benzer bir faaliyetin a\u00e7\u0131k ve gizli olarak y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc s\u00f6yleyebiliriz.<\/p>\n K\u00fcrtlerin etnoside tabi tutulmalar\u0131n\u0131n en \u00f6nemli resmi kanun belgesi hi\u00e7 ku\u015fkusuz 1925 \u015eark Islahat Plan\u0131\u2019d\u0131r.\u00a0 Bu gizli belgeye g\u00f6re K\u00fcrt n\u00fcfusunun b\u00fcy\u00fck bir k\u0131sm\u0131 Bat\u0131\u2019ya g\u00f6\u00e7ertilip, asimilasyona tabi tutulmal\u0131d\u0131r. Ayn\u0131 y\u0131l \u00e7\u0131kan 1925 Takrir-i S\u00fck\u00fbn Kanunu ile \u015eeyh Said Hareketi hedef al\u0131nm\u0131\u015f, K\u00fcrtler i\u00e7in bir \u00e7e\u015fit imha yasas\u0131 olarak \u2018hizmete\u2019 sunulmu\u015ftu. Yine ayn\u0131 d\u00f6nem i\u00e7erisinde \u015eark \u0130stiklal Mahkemeleri (1925-1927) ile K\u00fcrdistan davas\u0131 g\u00fcdenler, ki say\u0131lar\u0131 hala bilinmiyor, idam edilmi\u015fti.<\/p>\n 1934 \u0130sk\u00e2n Kanunu, A\u011fr\u0131 \u0130syan\u0131ndan sonra \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, temelde A\u011fr\u0131 Hareketi hedef al\u0131nm\u0131\u015f, 1935 Tunceli Kanunu ile de Dersim\u2019in idam ferman\u0131 kanunla\u015fm\u0131\u015f, 1937-1938 y\u0131llar\u0131nda soyk\u0131r\u0131m yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Yine Um\u00fbm\u00ee M\u00fcfetti\u015flikler ile (1927-1952) T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki t\u00fcm halklar\u0131n T\u00fcrkle\u015ftirilmesi hedeflenmi\u015f, esas olarak da K\u00fcrt diye bir milletin ve K\u00fcrdistan diye bir yerin art\u0131k olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, onlar\u0131n asl\u0131nda T\u00fcrk oldu\u011funu G\u00fcne\u015f Dil Teorisi paradigmas\u0131 \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde i\u015flemi\u015fti.<\/p>\n 1930\u2019lu y\u0131llarda Ermenice, Rumca, \u0130spanyol Yahudicesi konu\u015fan Az\u0131nl\u0131klar hedef al\u0131nm\u0131\u015f \u2018\u2018Vatanda\u015f T\u00fcrk\u00e7e Konu\u015f\u2019\u2019 kampanyas\u0131yla t\u00fcm halklar asimilasyona tabi tutulmu\u015ftu, 1949 \u0130l \u0130daresi Kanunu ile T\u00fcrk\u00e7e olmayan yer isimleri de\u011fi\u015ftirilmi\u015fti. 1972 N\u00fcfus Kanunu da ad\u0131ndan anla\u015f\u0131laca\u011f\u0131 gibi demografik yap\u0131ya m\u00fcdahale olarak kurgulanm\u0131\u015f, 1983 y\u0131l\u0131nda \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lan ve 1991 y\u0131l\u0131nda kald\u0131r\u0131lan 2932 say\u0131l\u0131 yasa ile de T\u00fcrk\u00e7eden ba\u015fka diller (asl\u0131nda K\u00fcrt\u00e7e; Kurmanci-Kirmanck\u00ee) yasaklam\u0131\u015f, 2015 y\u0131l\u0131nda if\u015fa olan gizli \u00c7\u00f6kertme Eylem Plan\u0131 ile ba\u015fta Diyarbak\u0131r\/Sur, \u015e\u0131rnak, Cizre, Nusaybin gibi kentler olmak \u00fczere, K\u00fcrt n\u00fcfusu yerinden g\u00f6\u00e7ertilmi\u015fti. Yani bu ba\u011flamda \u015eark Islahat Plan\u0131 2015\u2019te g\u00fcncellenmi\u015fti.<\/p>\n K\u00fcrt ontolojisini kendi ideolojik prospekt\u00fcs\u00fcyle okumaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan kurucu Kemalist ak\u0131l, bunlar\u0131 yaparak, asl\u0131nda kendi ontik sorunsal\u0131n\u0131 if\u015fa ediyordu. \u2018T\u00fcrk milleti\u2019 kavram\u0131n\u0131n halk\u0131n dima\u011f\u0131na enjekte edilmesinin bir yan etkisi olarak, Celadet Bedirhan\u2019\u0131nda vurgulad\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi \u2018K\u00fcrt milleti\u2019 kavram\u0131n\u0131n antitez olarak ye\u015ferece\u011fini hesaplamam\u0131\u015f olmal\u0131lar. Bu ba\u011flamda ilk metinleri yazan ba\u015fta Hasan Re\u015fit Tankut olmak \u00fczere t\u00fcm asimilasyoncu ekibin, K\u00fcrtlerin bug\u00fcnk\u00fc sosyo-politik durumuna bakarak b\u00fcy\u00fck yan\u0131lg\u0131 ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yleyebiliriz.<\/p>\n Devletin bu t\u00fcr kanun ve kararnameleri d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda, askeri ve sivil g\u00f6revlilere haz\u0131rlatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 say\u0131s\u0131z K\u00fcrt Raporu da var. Osmanl\u0131\u2019dan Cumhuriyete hemen her d\u00f6nem K\u00fcrtlere dair birka\u00e7 rapor haz\u0131rlanm\u0131\u015f ve Dersim raporlar\u0131nda oldu\u011fu gibi, \u00e7o\u011funlukla da K\u00fcrtler, bedende bir \u00e7\u0131ban olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcp, kesilip at\u0131lmak istenmi\u015f; \u2018\u2019T\u00fcrk\u2019\u00fcn s\u00fcng\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fcn g\u00f6r\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc yerde K\u00fcrtl\u00fck biter\u2019\u2019 s\u00f6ylemi, K\u00fcrtlere y\u00f6nelimin slogan\u0131 haline getirilmi\u015fti.<\/p>\n Etno-dinsel ar\u0131nd\u0131rmadan geriye kalan ve T\u00fcrk ulus-devletine direnen en b\u00fcy\u00fck halk grubu olan K\u00fcrtler; \u2018M\u00fcsl\u00fcman Karde\u015f\u2019 olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclseler de gizli-a\u00e7\u0131k operasyonel kanunlar, genelge, gizli planlarla elimine edilmesi mutlak g\u00f6r\u00fclen toplumsal kesim oldu. Kurucu Kemalist ak\u0131l, kimi K\u00fcrtlerce anla\u015f\u0131lmasa da hep net siyaset yapt\u0131 asl\u0131nda. K\u00fcrtleri ne pahas\u0131na olursa olsun ya asimile edecek ya g\u00f6\u00e7ertilecek ya da yerinde \u2018etkisiz hale\u2019 getirecekti. Bu yap\u0131ld\u0131 da. Devlet ve h\u00fck\u00fcmet faaliyeti olarak, \u00e7o\u011funlukla muhalefet ve di\u011fer toplumsal yap\u0131lar\u0131n da (kimi M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar ve kimi Kom\u00fcnistler dahil) r\u0131zas\u0131yla yap\u0131lan bu imha ve eritme programlar\u0131 sonucu K\u00fcrtler n\u00fcfus olarak \u00e7o\u011funlukta ya\u015fad\u0131klar\u0131 Sivas (Ko\u00e7giri b\u00f6lgesi), Mara\u015f, k\u0131smen Malatya, Antep, Erzurum, Erzincan gibi kentlerde az\u0131nl\u0131k durumuna d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fcler.<\/p>\n Yazar Mehmet Bayrak, yukar\u0131da k\u0131saca anlatt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z bu operasyonel faaliyetleri \u2018\u20187 U\u011fursuz T\u2019\u2019 ile kavramla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131r. Bayrak 7 T\u2019yi; Te\u2019dip (askeri y\u00f6ntemlerle edeplendirme, hizaya getirme), Tenkil (cezaland\u0131rma), Taqtil (katletme), Tehcir (g\u00f6\u00e7ertme), Temsil (asimile etme), Temdin (medenile\u015ftirme ve Tasfiye (ortadan kald\u0131rma, etkisizle\u015ftirme) olarak form\u00fcle eder.<\/a>[25]<\/a>\u00a0<\/sup><\/p>\n Bayrak, bu form\u00fcl ile, adeta, T\u00fcrk devletinin K\u00fcrtlere dair siyasetinin prospekt\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fc \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131r. Ger\u00e7ekten de siyasal pratik bu \u015fekilde ya\u015fand\u0131, ya\u015fan\u0131yor. K\u00fcrtler; \u00f6nce askeri y\u00f6ntemlerle \u2018hizaya getirilmek, boyun e\u011fdirilmek\u2019 istendi. Bu y\u00f6ntemlerle ba\u015far\u0131 elde edemeyince de s\u0131ras\u0131yla; \u00f6nce katliam dinami\u011fi devreye al\u0131nd\u0131, akabinde; kalanlar s\u00fcrg\u00fcne g\u00f6nderildi, ya da yerinde asimile etmek i\u00e7in T\u00fcrk\u00e7e ve T\u00fcrki e\u011fitim programlar\u0131 uyguland\u0131, toplum etkisizle\u015ftirilmek istendi. Bu konuda y\u00fczlerce belki binlerce bilgi, belge, dok\u00fcman oldu\u011fu biliniyor. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla binlerce sayfa metin yaz\u0131labilir. K\u0131sa bir \u00f6zetini ge\u00e7ti\u011fimiz y\u00fczy\u0131ll\u0131k T\u00fcrk politikas\u0131; 2013-1015 \u00c7\u00f6z\u00fcm S\u00fcrecine kadar aral\u0131ks\u0131z b\u00f6yle devam etti.<\/p>\n \u00c7\u00f6z\u00fcm S\u00fcreci ve Bar\u0131\u015f Umudu<\/strong><\/p>\n G\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc gibi T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de uygulanan ink\u00e2r, asimilasyondan ve katliam siyasetinden kaynakl\u0131, halklar ve inan\u00e7lar hi\u00e7 huzur bulmad\u0131. Sosyolog Mesut Ye\u011fen, Lozan\u2019dan sonra ba\u015flay\u0131p g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcze kadar gelen s\u00fcreci \u2018K\u00fcrtlerin 1924 ile 1990 aras\u0131, T\u00fcrkle\u015fme potansiyeli ta\u015f\u0131yan yurtta\u015flar olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, buna dair inanc\u0131n zay\u0131flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 zamanlarda ise sistem a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan, imha edilmesi gereken yurtta\u015flara d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fc bir Sarka\u00e7 metaforuyla a\u00e7\u0131klar. Ye\u011fene g\u00f6re\u00a0\u2018\u2019Bu sarka\u00e7 1990\u2019lardan sonra tan\u0131nma ve asimilasyon aras\u0131nda sal\u0131nmaya ba\u015fland\u0131.\u2019\u2019<\/a>[26]<\/strong><\/a><\/em>\u00a0Mesut Ye\u011fen\u2019in bahsetti\u011fi ve daha \u00e7ok devlet taraf\u0131ndan sark\u0131t\u0131lan siyasi sarka\u00e7, 2013-2015 y\u0131llar\u0131 aras\u0131nda y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclen K\u00fcrt-T\u00fcrk bar\u0131\u015f g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmeleriyle umuda ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011fe de sark\u0131t\u0131ld\u0131 ama bu s\u00fcre\u00e7 y\u00fcr\u00fcmedi. Devletin \u2018milli birlik ve beraberlik\u2019 dedi\u011fi \u2018\u2019\u00c7\u00f6z\u00fcm S\u00fcreci\u2019\u2019 bir bar\u0131\u015f mutabakat\u0131n\u0131n da (Dolmabah\u00e7e Mutabakat\u0131) haz\u0131rlanmas\u0131na ra\u011fmen \u00e7e\u015fitli fakt\u00f6rlerin<\/a>[27]<\/a>\u00a0devreye girmesiyle, d\u00f6nemin Ba\u015fbakan\u0131 Recep Tayyip Erdo\u011fan\u2019\u0131n deyimiyle \u2018\u2019Buzdolab\u0131na Kald\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131.\u2019\u2019 Bar\u0131\u015f umudunun yok olmas\u0131 akabinde sert k\u0131r\u0131lmalar ya\u015fand\u0131.<\/p>\n Bar\u0131\u015f g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmelerinin ve haz\u0131rlanan mutabakatlar\u0131n \u2018buzdolab\u0131na\u2019 kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131ndan sonra \u015fiddet ve asimilasyon mekani\u011fi de tekrar kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 yerden devam etti. G\u00fcncel T\u00fcrkiye siyaseti; K\u00fcrtlerin, d\u00fcnyan\u0131n neresinde<\/a>[28]<\/a>\u00a0ve olursa olsun, elde edece\u011fi kazan\u0131mlar\u0131 akamete u\u011fratmak, etnik, inan\u00e7, siyasal haklar\u0131n\u0131 bask\u0131 ve \u015fiddetle bast\u0131rmak \u00fczerine in\u015fa ediyor kendisini. K\u00fcrt haklar\u0131n\u0131n ink\u00e2r\u0131 konusunda, T\u00fcrk m\u00fcesses nizam\u0131 ile \u0130ran, Irak, Suriye\u2019nin, reel politik ayr\u0131\u015fmalara ra\u011fmen, ittifak halinde oldu\u011fu g\u00f6zlemleniyor. Bu d\u00f6rt devlet; K\u00fcrt ulusal ba\u015fkald\u0131r\u0131 ve direni\u015flerinde, zaman zaman yumu\u015fama emareleri g\u00f6sterseler de g\u00fcn\u00fcn sonunda, K\u00fcrtlere kar\u015f\u0131 ittifak halinde hareket ediyorlar.<\/p>\n Bir K\u00fcrt Liderinden\u00a0T\u00fcrklere Tarihsel Uyar\u0131<\/strong><\/p>\n K\u00fcrt-T\u00fcrk ili\u015fkilerinde belirleyici bir unsur olan mermi (sava\u015f) olgusunun de\u011ferlendirmesini, Ko\u00e7giri ve Dersim K\u00fcrt ulusal hareketlerinin \u00f6nemli akt\u00f6rlerinden Nuri Dersimi\u2019ye b\u0131rakal\u0131m. T\u00fcrk devlet insanlar\u0131 ve ileri gelenlerine \u2018\u2019K\u00fcrdistan Facialar\u0131 Harek\u00e2t\u0131ndan Kim Zarar G\u00f6rd\u00fc?\u2019\u2019 sorusunu 1952 y\u0131l\u0131nda, Halep\u2019te bast\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 kitab\u0131nda soran Dersimi; K\u00fcrt-T\u00fcrk ittifaklar\u0131n\u0131n, T\u00fcrklerin lehine geli\u015fti\u011fini, T\u00fcrker\u2019in tarihlerinin bu b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcne bak\u0131p, K\u00fcrtlerin al\u0131konulan ve ink\u00e2r edilen haklar\u0131n\u0131n iadesinin \u2018\u2018y\u00fcksek menfaattar\u0131n\u0131 taktir eden, soysuzla\u015fmam\u0131\u015f, yabanc\u0131ya kulluk etmeye hen\u00fcz karar vermemi\u015f T\u00fcrk halk kitlelerinin namuslu \u00f6nderlerinin elinde\u2019\u2019 oldu\u011funu s\u00f6yler. Karde\u015f katliam\u0131 yaparak ekonomiye verilen zarara dikkat \u00e7eken Nuri Dersimi; \u2018\u2018Bunun a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 zavall\u0131 T\u00fcrk k\u00f6yl\u00fc ve i\u015f\u00e7isi omuzlamaya mahk\u00fbm oldu. T\u00fcrkiye iktisaden de zarar g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u2019\u2019 diyerek adeta bug\u00fcn ya\u015fanan ve sava\u015ftan kaynakl\u0131 olan ekonomik krizi \u00f6ng\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015f.<\/p>\n Nuri Dersimi\u2019nin \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n tarihselli\u011fi ve \u015fimdili\u011fini birlikte okuyal\u0131m:\u00a0\u2018\u2018G\u00f6sterdi\u011fim korkun\u00e7 sonu \u00f6nlemek, bu al\u0131n yaz\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n seyrini de\u011fi\u015ftirmek; y\u00fcksek menfaattar\u0131n\u0131 taktir eden, soysuzla\u015fmam\u0131\u015f, yabanc\u0131ya kulluk etmeye hen\u00fcz karar vermemi\u015f T\u00fcrk halk kitlelerinin namuslu \u00f6nderlerinin elindedir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc, K\u00fcrdistan halk\u0131 \u0131rki, milli haklar\u0131 konusunda tatmin edilir ve T\u00fcrk halk\u0131 tercihen T\u00fcrkiye topraklar\u0131 dahilinde bulunan tarihi K\u00fcrdistan\u2019\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 temin ederse (e\u011fer) bu suretle hem ge\u00e7mi\u015f \u00fczerine bir nisyan (unutma) perdesi \u00e7ekilir ve hem de insanl\u0131\u011fa, medeniyete kar\u015f\u0131 itibar\u0131n\u0131 iade etmi\u015f olur. Bu her iki milletin ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k ve mutlulu\u011funun biricik yoludur ve bunun temin edilmemesi istismarc\u0131 devletlerin T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de siyasi ve iktisadi menfaatler sa\u011flamas\u0131ndan ba\u015fka hi\u00e7bir \u015feye hizmet etmez. Her T\u00fcrk bireyi bu ger\u00e7e\u011fi iyiden iyiye kavrar, milli \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131, ki\u015fisel ihtiraslardan y\u00fcksek tutarak d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcr ve yal\u0131n\u0131z vicdan\u0131ndan ilham alarak hareket ederse; K\u00fcrd\u00fcn de\u011fil, bizzat T\u00fcrk varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n y\u00fcce \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 korumu\u015f olur. Aksi takdirde K\u00fcrdistan, T\u00fcrk\u2019e ra\u011fmen ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 elde etmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015facak ve buna muvaffak olacakt\u0131r. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc K\u00fcrdistan da Osmanl\u0131 \u0130mparatorlu\u011funu te\u015fkil eden Bulgaristan, Yunanistan, Arnavutluk, S\u0131rbistan, Romanya ve Arabistan topraklar\u0131 milletlerinin ge\u00e7ti\u011fi tarihi yoldan ge\u00e7ecek ve hedefine eri\u015fti\u011fi g\u00fcn, yan\u0131 ba\u015f\u0131nda dost bir T\u00fcrkiye de\u011fil, d\u00fc\u015fman bir milletle kom\u015fu olacakt\u0131r. Biz, bu ak\u0131beti de\u011fil, karde\u015f\u00e7e ve belki konfedere bir \u015fekilde te\u015fekk\u00fcl etmi\u015f bir Yak\u0131n \u015eark Milletler Birli\u011fini arzu ediyoruz.\u2019\u2019<\/a>[29]<\/strong><\/a><\/em><\/p>\n G\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ve ya\u015fand\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fczere, devletin K\u00fcrt, Ermeni, S\u00fcryani, Ez\u00eed\u00ee, Rum, Yahudi vd. halklarla olan ili\u015fkilerin bozulmas\u0131n\u0131n maddi manevi faturas\u0131 bu topraklarda ya\u015fayan t\u00fcm halklara kesildi. H\u00fck\u00fcmetlerin ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 siyasi ve ekonomik krizler, devlet i\u00e7inde su\u00e7 odaklar\u0131n\u0131n konsolidasyonuna yol a\u00e7t\u0131. K\u00fcrtlerle sava\u015fa harcanan ekonomik kaynaklar ile sava\u015fta yitirilen insanlar\u0131n toplumda yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 maddi, manevi kriz; adalet terazisinin bozulmas\u0131na, ahlaki-politik yap\u0131da k\u0131r\u0131lmalara neden oldu.<\/p>\n K\u00fcrt-T\u00fcrk ili\u015fkilerinin tarihsel seyri bize g\u00f6stermi\u015ftirki ne zaman e\u015fitlik\u00e7i bir temelde bir ittifak kurulmu\u015fsa her iki halk da \u2018kazan\u00e7l\u0131\u2019 \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Aksine ne zaman anla\u015fmazl\u0131k ya da y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131nda oldu\u011fu gibi bir taraf kendini bu ili\u015fki ve ittifaklar \u00fczerinden iktidarla\u015ft\u0131rm\u0131\u015fsa \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f, a\u011f\u0131r bedeller \u00f6denmi\u015ftir. T\u00fcrk ulus-devletinin birinci y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131 bu y\u00fczden sava\u015f ve y\u0131k\u0131m ile ge\u00e7ti. \u0130nk\u00e2r, direni\u015f ve k\u0131r\u0131m sarmal\u0131nda bir y\u00fczy\u0131l heba edildi. Toplumsal, siyasal ve ekonomik y\u0131k\u0131m ile ge\u00e7en T\u00fcrkiye Cumhuriyeti\u2019nin birinci y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n\u0131n aksine; yeni y\u00fczy\u0131lda, tek\u00e7i ulus-devlet paradigmas\u0131nda \u0131srar edilmez, 1921 anayasas\u0131ndan daha geri bir pozisyona d\u00fc\u015fmez ise halklar ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrler bah\u00e7esi olan bu co\u011frafya huzura kavu\u015fabilir. Aksi halde bu ink\u00e2r ve asimilasyon sarmal\u0131 gelecek ku\u015faklar\u0131 da heder ve heba edecektir. O halde ink\u00e2r ve imha siyasetinden caymak, yerine onurlu birliktelik, toplumsal \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck gibi bir sistemati\u011fin toplumsal mutabakat ve anayasal g\u00fcvence alt\u0131na al\u0131nmas\u0131 elzemdir.<\/p>\n <\/a>[1]<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0Yaz\u0131daki \u201dT\u00fcrk\u201d kavram\u0131 ile bu egemen kesim kast ediliyor<\/strong><\/p>\n <\/a>[2]<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0Burada k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck bir \u015ferh d\u00fc\u015fme ihtiyac\u0131 var: \u2018\u0130slam karde\u015fli\u011fi\u2019 ittifak\u0131n\u0131 asl\u0131nda S\u00fcnni K\u00fcrtler kurmu\u015f Alevi K\u00fcrtler ile bilindi\u011fi kadar\u0131yla Ez\u00eed\u00ee K\u00fcrtler bu ittifakta s\u0131cak bakmam\u0131\u015f \u00e7o\u011funlukla yer almam\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. Nuri Dersimi, K\u00fcrt egemenli\u011finde olan Kemah (Dersim) Kalesi\u2019nin Osmanl\u0131 ordular\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr\u00fclmesi ve akabinde yap\u0131lan katliam\u0131 \u0130dris-i Bitlisi\u2019ye fatura eder. \u2018\u2018Hayin\u2019\u2019 olarak yaftalad\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u0130dris-i Bitlisi\u2019nin, K\u00fcrdistan muhtariyetine zarar gelmeyece\u011fi, sadece \u0130ran egemenli\u011finden Osmanl\u0131 egemenli\u011fine ge\u00e7ilece\u011fi vaadiyle K\u00fcrtleri Yavuz Selim\u2019e yedeklemekle k\u00f6t\u00fcl\u00fck yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yler. Dersimi\u2019ye g\u00f6re; \u2018\u2019Dersim bu ittifak\u0131n alt\u0131ndaki hileyi sezmi\u015f ve ittifaka girmeyi reddetmi\u015ftir. Bu ittifaktan sonra Yavuz Sultan Selim, \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011funu K\u00fcrdistan\u2019da sa\u011flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck bir orduyla M\u0131s\u0131r seferini yapm\u0131\u015f ise de Dersim bu sefere de i\u015ftirak etmemi\u015ftir.\u2019\u2019 (Nuri Dersimi, K\u00fcrdistan Tarihinde Dersim, Sf. 73, DAM Yay.)<\/strong><\/p>\n <\/a>[3]<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0Re\u015fit Pa\u015fa\u2019n\u0131n koleradan \u00f6lmesi \u00fczerine, b\u00f6lgeye (1537) Haf\u0131z Pa\u015fa g\u00f6nderilir. Avusturyal\u0131 General Moltke\u2019nin askeri stratejileri do\u011frultusunda hareket eden Haf\u0131z Pa\u015fa, Sincar da\u011f\u0131nda binlerce Ez\u00eed\u00ee\u2019yi katlettikten sonra, d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f yolunda Malatya\u2019n\u0131n Ak\u00e7ada\u011f il\u00e7esi (Arga) Alevi K\u00fcrtlerini k\u0131l\u0131\u00e7tan ge\u00e7irir, a\u00e7l\u0131ktan \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcne sebep olur.<\/strong><\/p>\n <\/a>[4]<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0Osmanl\u0131 Devleti\u2019nin egemenlik alan\u0131nda 60\u2019tan fazla devlet vard\u0131. Ama fiilen 45 devlete h\u00fckmetmi\u015ftir. Bu 45 devletin 27\u2019si Asya, 13\u2019\u00fc Avrupa, 5\u2019i de Afrika K\u0131tas\u0131ndayd\u0131.<\/strong><\/p>\n <\/a>[5]<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0Ermeniler 1915 Soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131yla az\u0131nl\u0131k durumuna d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr\u00fclm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc.<\/strong><\/p>\n <\/a>[6]<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0Rumlar 1912-1922 y\u0131llar\u0131 aras\u0131nda Pontus K\u0131r\u0131m\u0131 ve 1923-1930 y\u0131llar\u0131 aras\u0131nda M\u00fcbadele ve 6-7 Eyl\u00fcl 1955 olaylar\u0131 ile (Ermeni ve Yahudilerle birlikte) az\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131n az\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131 durumuna d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fcler<\/strong><\/p>\n <\/a>[7]<\/strong><\/a>\u00a01934 Trakya Olaylar\u0131nda Yahudiler hedef al\u0131nm\u0131\u015f, bir \u00e7e\u015fit etnik ar\u0131nd\u0131rma yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/strong><\/p>\n <\/a>[8]<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0Mustafa Remzi Bucak, Lozan g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmelerine kat\u0131lan Diyarbak\u0131rl\u0131 Z\u00fclf\u00fc Bey\u2019in, az\u0131nl\u0131k haklar\u0131 teminat alt\u0131na al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00fcn, \u0130smet \u0130n\u00f6n\u00fc\u2019n\u00fcn telkiniyle \u2018ba\u015f\u0131m a\u011fr\u0131yor\u2019 diye g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmelere kat\u0131lmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, \u0130n\u00f6n\u00fc\u2019n\u00fcn K\u00fcrtleri ve T\u00fcrkleri temsilen masaya oturdu\u011funu sand\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ama aldat\u0131ld\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131, aldat\u0131ld\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 \u015fu s\u00f6zlerle ifade eder: \u2018\u2019Sa\u011f\u0131r\u0131n o kadar bedbaht olaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 tahmin edemedim.\u2019\u2019 Mustafa Remzi Bucak, Bir K\u00fcrt Ayd\u0131n\u0131ndan \u0130smet \u0130n\u00f6n\u00fc\u2019ye Mektup, Doz Yay. Sf.61<\/strong><\/p>\n <\/a>[9]<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0\u0130smet \u0130n\u00f6n\u00fc az\u0131nl\u0131klar meselesinde zorluk ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, hatta bar\u0131\u015f\u0131n sa\u011flanamayaca\u011f\u0131ndan korktu\u011funu anlat\u0131r: \u2018\u2019M\u00fctareke devrinde \u0130stanbul h\u00fck\u00fcmetleri ile d\u00fc\u015fman milletler gerek Ermeniler ve gerek Rumlar y\u00fcz\u00fcnden eski T\u00fcrk idaresini o kadar k\u00f6t\u00fclemi\u015flerdi ki, bizim sulh i\u00e7in en \u00e7ok m\u00fc\u015fk\u00fclat \u00e7ekece\u011fimiz konulardan birinin bu propagandalar olaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 zannediyordum. B\u00f6yle bir tesir alt\u0131ndayd\u0131k. Konferansta Ermeni davas\u0131 ve Rum davas\u0131 y\u00fcz\u00fcnden yap\u0131lan propagandalar, tecav\u00fczler vesaire sebebiyle, bir aral\u0131k \u0130ngilizlerin sulh yapmak isteyip istemediklerinden ciddi olarak \u015f\u00fcpheye d\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcm.\u2019\u2019 (https:\/\/www.ismetinonu.org.tr\/lozan-antlasmasi.htm)<\/strong><\/p>\n <\/a>[10]<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0Robert Olson, K\u00fcrt Milliyet\u00e7ili\u011finin Kaynaklar\u0131 ve \u015eeyh Said \u0130syan\u0131, \u00d6z-Ge Yay.<\/strong><\/p>\n <\/a>[8]<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0Nuri Dersimi, K\u00fcrdistan Tarihinde Dersim, DAM Yay. sf 104-105<\/strong><\/p>\n <\/a>[9]<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0K\u00fcrt-T\u00fcrk birlikteli\u011fini \u00f6nemli savunucular\u0131ndan KTC Ba\u015fkan\u0131 Seyit Abd\u00fclkadir, Senat\u00f6rl\u00fck ve Dan\u0131\u015ftay Ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi makamlarda g\u00f6rev yapm\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131na ra\u011fmen; 1925 y\u0131l\u0131nda, \u00fcstelik o\u011fluyla birlikte idam edilmi\u015fti.<\/strong><\/p>\n <\/a>[10]<\/strong><\/a>\u00a01921 Ko\u00e7giri K\u00fcrt Ulusal Hareketi\u2019ne destek verme konusunda ikircikli davranan ve Lozan G\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmeleri esnas\u0131nda meclise \u015eal \u00fb \u015eep\u0131k giyip giden, T\u00fcrklerin ve K\u00fcrtlerin birlikteli\u011fi i\u00e7in heyecanl\u0131 konu\u015fmalar yapan, Mustafa Kemal\u2019den \u2018\u00e7\u0131lg\u0131nca alk\u0131\u015f\u2019 alan Dersim Milletvekili Hasan Hayri Bey, d\u00f6nemin pop\u00fcler karde\u015flik tirad\u0131n\u0131n kurbanlar\u0131ndan olur. Hasan Hayri Bey idam edilirken; \u2018\u2019Ey K\u00fcrt gen\u00e7leri benden ibret al\u0131n\u0131z ki d\u00fcnyada verilmi\u015f en \u015ferefsiz s\u00f6z T\u00fcrklerin* (baz\u0131 kaynaklara g\u00f6re Kemalistler) verdi\u011fi \u015feref s\u00f6z\u00fcd\u00fcr\u2019\u2019 diyecekti.<\/strong><\/p>\n <\/a>[14]<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0Yusuf Ziya Bey: Arkada\u015flar; ben K\u00fcrd\u00fcm. Fakat T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin tealisini, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin \u015ferefini, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin terakkisini temenni eden K\u00fcrtlerdenim (Alk\u0131\u015flar) Es bab\u0131 ise lisan\u0131m, bana \u015feref veren lisan\u0131m okur yazar olmakl\u0131\u011f\u0131md\u0131r. Bu ise kendi kavmim olan K\u00fcrtlerin de\u011fil, T\u00fcrklerindir. Bunun i\u00e7in T\u00fcrklerin tealisini isterim. T\u00fcrklerin \u015fereflenmesini isterim. \u201cT\u00fcrk ile K\u00fcrt te\u015friki mesai ederek ya\u015famazlarsa, ikisi i\u00e7in de ak\u0131bet yoktur.\u201d Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z K\u00fcrdistan\u2019a kar\u015f\u0131 ortak vatan\u0131 savunanlardan biri de Yusuf Ziya Bey olur. Bu fikir ve duygusunun \u2018bedelini\u2019 1925 y\u0131l\u0131nda as\u0131larak \u00f6der.<\/strong><\/p>\n <\/a>[15]<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0Enver Yal\u00e7\u0131n, Bir Siyaset\u00e7i ve Lider Olarak Seyid Abd\u00fclkadir, Avesta Yay. Sf.158<\/strong><\/p>\n <\/a>[16]<\/strong><\/a>\u00a027 Nisan 1925 Vakit Gazetesi. Aktaran Mehmet Bayrak; K\u00fcrt Diplomasisi, \u00d6z-Ge Yay. Sf. 485<\/strong><\/p>\n <\/a>[17]<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0Milliyet Gazetesi 19 Eyl\u00fcl 1930<\/strong><\/p>\n <\/a>[18]<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0Mele Selim\u2019in 1914 Bitlis \u2018isyan\u0131\u2019 gibi lokal hareketler olsa da y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131ndaki as\u0131l ulusal hareketin Ko\u00e7giri oldu\u011fu s\u00f6ylenebilir<\/strong><\/p>\n <\/a>[19]<\/strong><\/a>\u00a012 Ocak 1909 tarihli (say\u0131 161) Tanin Gazetesi, bankan\u0131n ad\u0131 \u2018\u2018La T\u00fcrki\u2019\u2019 oldu\u011funu ve Dersaadet\u2019te ya\u015fayan 35 bin K\u00fcrd\u00fcn, 200 bin lira sermaye ile bankay\u0131 kurdu\u011funu haber verir.<\/strong><\/p>\n <\/a>[20]<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0Mustafa Remzi Bucak, Age, Sf. 96.<\/strong><\/p>\n <\/a>[21]<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0Celadet Bedirhan, Bir K\u00fcrt Ayd\u0131n\u0131ndan Mustafa Kemal\u2019e Mektup, Doz Yay. Sf. 22.<\/strong><\/p>\n <\/a>[22]<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0\u0130smail Be\u015fik\u00e7i Mustafa Kemal\u2019in yedi ki\u015fiye toplam 12 mektup yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yler ve Devletleraras\u0131 S\u00f6m\u00fcrge K\u00fcrdistan kitab\u0131nda, mektuplar\u0131n detaylar\u0131n\u0131 verir.<\/strong><\/p>\n <\/a>[23]<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0Atat\u00fcrk\u2019\u00fcn Tamim Telgraf ve Beyannameleri IV, s. 63. Aktaran \u0130smail Be\u015fik\u00e7i, K\u00fcrdistan \u00dczerine Emperyalist B\u00f6l\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm M\u00fccadelesi 1915-1925, Yurt Yay.<\/strong><\/p>\n <\/a>[24]<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0Ekrem Cemil Pa\u015fa, Muhtasar Hayat\u0131m, Beybun Yay. Sf. 51.<\/strong><\/p>\n <\/a>[25]<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0Mehmet Bayrak, Dersim-Ko\u00e7giri, \u00d6zge Yay.<\/strong><\/p>\n <\/a>[26]<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0Mesut Ye\u011fen, K\u0131raathane Konu\u015fmalar\u0131, Youtube, 2020.<\/strong><\/p>\n <\/a>[27]<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0Oslo G\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmelerinin if\u015fas\u0131, Ceylanp\u0131nar\u2019da iki polisin \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fclmesi, Sakine Cans\u0131z, Fidan Do\u011fan ve Leyla \u015eaylemez\u2019in katledildi\u011fi, Paris Katliam\u0131 vb.<\/strong><\/p>\n <\/a>[28]<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0Bu konuda Federe K\u00fcrdistan B\u00f6lgesi\u2019nin ablukaya al\u0131nmas\u0131, bask\u0131lanmas\u0131 ile Rojava K\u00fcrdistan\u2019\u0131n\u0131n i\u015fgal edilmesi, \u0130ran ile Rojh\u0131lat K\u00fcrdistan\u2019\u0131n\u0131n m\u00fccadelesinin ezilmesine dair ortak siyaset belirlenmesi gibi \u00e7ok\u00e7a \u00f6rnek mevcuttur.<\/strong><\/p>\n <\/a>[29]<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0Nuri Dersimi, Age. Sf. 257.<\/strong><\/p>\n \u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n \u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n Nesimi Aday: Ocak 2023<\/strong><\/p>\n Demokratik Modernite Dergisi<\/strong><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" D\u00fcnden bug\u00fcne K\u00fcrt-T\u00fcrk ili\u015fkilerine bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda \u2018Karde\u015flik\u2019 duygusu, \u2018kom\u015fuluk\u2019 ili\u015fkisi, siyasi \u2018\u0130ttifak\u2019 ya da \u2018din karde\u015fli\u011fi\u2019 mefhumlar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr. Peki iki halk\u0131 yan yana getiren, sava\u015ft\u0131ran, bar\u0131\u015ft\u0131ran, birlikte ya\u015famaya olanak yaratan sosyal, siyasal ko\u015fullar nelerdir?…<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":474,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[238,236,46,241,244,136,237,221,217,32,213,240,71,234,235,239,134,243,133,233,101,242],"class_list":["post-473","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-genel","tag-2-mahmut","tag-akkoyunlu","tag-alevi","tag-caldiran-savasi","tag-ezidi","tag-hasan-hayri-bey","tag-idrisi-bitlisi","tag-kurdistan","tag-kurdistan-teali-cemiyeti","tag-kurt","tag-lozan","tag-malazgirt-savasi","tag-nuri-dersimi","tag-osmanli","tag-safevi","tag-sah-ismail","tag-seyh-said","tag-seyid-abdulkadir","tag-seyid-riza","tag-turk","tag-yavuz-sultan-selim","tag-yusuf-ziya"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/nesimiaday.com.tr\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/473","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/nesimiaday.com.tr\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/nesimiaday.com.tr\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nesimiaday.com.tr\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nesimiaday.com.tr\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=473"}],"version-history":[{"count":5,"href":"https:\/\/nesimiaday.com.tr\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/473\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":482,"href":"https:\/\/nesimiaday.com.tr\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/473\/revisions\/482"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nesimiaday.com.tr\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/474"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/nesimiaday.com.tr\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=473"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nesimiaday.com.tr\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=473"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nesimiaday.com.tr\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=473"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}